Manuscript Tradition2 Enoch has survived in more than twenty Slavonic manuscripts and fragments dated from 14th to 18th centuries AD. These Slavonic materials did not circulate independently but were included into collections that often rearranged, abbreviated, or expanded them. Typically, Jewish pseudepigraphical texts in Slavic milieux were transmitted as part of larger historiographical, moral, and liturgical codexes and compendiums where ideologically marginal and mainstream materials were mixed with each other. 2 Enoch exists in longer and shorter recensions. The first editors 456 considered original the longer version, while since 1921 Schmidt7 and many authors2 challenged this theory considering more ancient the shorter recension. Vaillant 8 in 1952 showed that the additional parts found only in the longer version use more recent Slavonic terms. Other scholars 910 suggest that both of them preserve original material and the existence of three or even four recensions. Two different ways to numbering verses and chapters are used for 2 Enoch: the more widely accepted is Popov's4 one in 73 chapters, while De Santos Otero10 proposed a division in 24 chapters. The best family of manuscripts11 are copies of the compilation of rearranged materials from chs. 40–65 from a 14th century judicial codex “The Just Balance” ("Merilo Pravednoe"). The main manuscripts of the longer version are R, J and P 12. The main manuscripts of the shorter version are U, B, V, N 13. See also references1415. Most scholars believe that the Slavonic version was translated from one or more Greek lost versions, since the text attests to some traditions that make sense only in the Greek language, for example a tradition found in 2 Enoch 30 that derives Adam’s name from the Greek designations of the four corners of the earth. The Semitisms, such as the words Ophanim, Raqia Arabot, and others found in various parts of the text, point to the possibility of the Semitic Vorlage behind the Greek version. DateDates ranging from the 1st century BC to the 10th century CE have been proposed, with the late 1st century CE often preferred. The date of the text can be deduced solely on the basis of the internal evidence since the book has survived only in the medieval manuscripts (even if a reference of 2 Enoch could be find in Origen's De Principis i, 3:3). Composition shall be later than the Book of the Watchers in 1 Enoch (about III century BCE). The crucial arguments for the early dating of the text have very largely been linked to the themes of the Temple in Jerusalem and its ongoing practices and customs. Scholarly efforts have been in this respect mostly directed toward finding hints that the Sanctuary was still standing when the original text was composed. Scholars noted that the text gives no indication that the destruction of the Temple had already occurred at the time of the book's composition. Critical readers of the pseudepigraphic would have some difficulties finding any explicit expression of feelings of sadness or mourning about the loss of the sanctuary. Affirmations of the value of animal sacrifice and Enoch's halakhic instructions found in 2 Enoch 59 also appear to be fashioned not in the “preservationist,” mishnaic-like mode but rather as if they reflected sacrificial practices that still existed when the author was writing his book. The author tries legitimize the central place of worship, which through the reference to the place Ahuzan, which is a cryptic name for a Jewish Temple. Scholars have also previously noted in the text some indications of the ongoing practice of pilgrimage to the central place of worship. These indications could be expected in a text written in the Alexandrian Diaspora. Thus in his instructions to the children, Enoch repeatedly encourages them to bring the gifts before the face of God for the remission of sins, a practice which appears to recall well-known sacrificial customs widespread in the Second Temple period. Further, the Slavonic apocalypse also contains a direct command to visit the Temple three times a day, an inconsistency if the sanctuary had been already destroyed. ContentThe Second Book of Enoch can be divided in four sections:
Exaltation of MelchizedekChapters 69-73 of 2 Enoch (sometimes referred as the Exaltation of Melchizedek or 2EM) outline the priestly succession of Enoch. There is not unanimous consensus whether this section belongs to the main body of the text or it is an early addition. Considering the not-fragmentary main manuscripts, 2EM is not included in P V N, it is included partially in J, while it is fully included in R U B, which anyway represent the best traditions of all versions. So we have both shorter and a longer versions of 2EM. Some early authors, as Charles 6, have not included this section mainly because they based their edition on manuscripts P and N. The lack of this section in recent manuscripts is explained by others2 because of the scandalous content (the virgin birth of Melchisedek) for Christian copyists. According Vaillant, who edited the first critical edition of 2 Enoch8, there is no evidence that 2EM ever existed separately. Modern editions usually include also these chapters. The recent discoveries of Melchisedek 11Q13 text at Qumran and of a related text at Nag Hammadi, have made possible to have an idea about the Melchisedek controversy, involving also 2EM and the Letter to the Hebrews, that developed in non-mainstream Jewish communities and in early Christians communities from the 1 century BCE to the 3 century CE against the traditional Jewish identification of Melchisedek with Shem16. A growing number of scholars recognize the antiquity of 2 Enoch, including also 2EM, and support a pre-70 CE dating for its original composition17. Sacchi2 suggests that 2EM is actually an addition to the main body of the text (the style is slightly different), but a very early addition by someone of the same sect that wrote 2 Enoch (it uses the same language and same typical names as Ahuzan for Temple), dating 2EM after the 70 CE but before or about the Letter to the Hebrews. The differences between 2EM with Letter to the Hebrews (for Hebrews Melchisedek is primarly a heavenly figure while 2EM depicts him as an earthly one) don’t allow to prove the dependence of 2EM from Hebrews18. TheologyThe theological universe of 2 Enoch is deeply rooted in the Enochic mold of the Jewish Apocalyptic literature of the Second Temple period. Yet along with appropriations of ancient traditions about the seventh antediluvian hero, the text attempts to reshape them by adding a new mystical dimension to the familiar apocalyptic imagery. The figure of Enoch portrayed in the various sections of 2 Enoch appears more elaborate than in the early Second Temple Enochic treatise of 1 Enoch. Interesting is the anointing of Enoch, after he saw face to face the Lord, that makes him be similar in appearance to a glorious angel and that allows him to sit above other angels on the left of the Lord. According Orlov15, in this attempt, one may find the origins of another image of Enoch, very different from the early Enochic literature, that was developed much later in rabbinic Merkabah and Hekhalot mysticism: the image of the supreme angel Metatron, “the Prince of the Presence.” The titles of the patriarch found in the Slavonic apocalypse appear to be different from those attested in early Enochic writings and demonstrate a close resemblance to the titles of Metatron as they appear in some Hekhalot sources. These developments demonstrate that 2 Enoch represents a bridge between the early apocalyptic Enochic accounts and the later mystical rabbinic and Hekhalot traditions. See alsoReferences
External linksOnline English translations
About 2 Enoch
| |