green: Approx. extent of largest concentration of Greeks in "Northern Epirus", early 20th cent.1
red dotted line: Territory of Northern Epirus
Northern Epirus (Greek: Βόρειος Ήπειρος, Vorios Ipiros, Albanian: Epiri i Veriut) is a term used to refer to those parts of the historical region of Epirus, in the western Balkans, that are part of the modern Albanian state. The term is used mostly by Greeks and is associated with the existence of a substantial ethnic Greek population in the region, as well as with political claims on the territory that were held by Greece and a Greek autonomous state during parts of the 20th century. The term is typically rejected by Albanians for its irredentist associations, although both countries lifted at 1987 the formal state of war and officially rejected any territorial claim against the other part.
The term Epirus is used both in the Albanian and Greek language, but in Albanian refers only to the historical and not modern region.
Geographically, the region stretches from the Ionian coast of southern Albania to lake Prespa and south of lake Ohrid. During classical antiquity it was inhabited by the ancient Greek tribe of Chaonians2 and its sub-tribes (Dassaretae3 etc.). Northern Epirus geographically consists of the following districts in southern Albania (from west to east): Himarë region in Vlorë, Sarandë, Delvinë, Gjirokastër, south part of Tepelenë, Përmet, Kolonjë, central and east part of Korçë and Devoll.
For Albania, this region is part of several folkloric regions, like Laberia, Chameria and Southwest Albania.
Greek minority
Population
In Albania, Greeks are considered a "national minority". There are no reliable4 statistics on the size of any ethnic minorities in Albania. Although conducting a satisfactory census of ethnic minorities is one of the country's commitments to the European Union, the Albanian government is not going to conduct an official census. Some commentators allege that this is out of fear that a considerable part of the population will register themselves as Greek.5
According to data presented to the 1919 Paris Conference, the Greek minority numbered 120,000,6 and the last census to include data on ethnic minorities conducted in 1989 under the communist regime cites only 58,785 Greeks although the total population of Albania had tripled in the meantime.6However, the area studied was confined to the southern border, and this estimate is considered to be low. Under this definition, minority status was limited to those who lived in 99 villages in the southern border areas, thereby excluding important concentrations of Greek settlement and making the minority seem smaller than it is7. Sources from the Greek minority have claimed that there are up to 500,000 Greeks in Albania, or 12% of the total population at the time (from the "Epirot lobby" of Greeks with family roots in Albania).8
In a 1995 ethnological study, the number of ethnic Greeks in the Northern Epirus alone, are estimated at 40,000, while in the rest of the country there are further 20,000 Greeks.9 The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization estimates the Greek minority at approximately 70,000 people.10 Other independent sources estimate that the number of Greeks in Northern Epirus is 117,000 (about 3.5% of the total population),11 a figure close to the estimate provided by The World Factbook (2006) (about 3%). But this number was 8% by the same agency a year before.1213
Impact on Albanian-Greek relations
Tensions between Greece and Albania over the treatment of the Greek population persisted well after the end of the World War II, the formal state of war between the two countries being lifted only as late as 1987. Relations reached a low point after the fall of Albania's Communist régime in 1991. In 1993 Albania deported the Greek OrthodoxArchimandrite of Gjirokastër for what is described as seditious behaviour. The crisis in relations was exacerbated in late August 1994, when an Albanian court sentenced five members (a sixth member was added later) of the ethnic Greek political party "Omonoia" to prison terms of 6-8 years on charges of treason, because they demanded that Northern Epirus is granted to Greece, and for illegal carrying of arms 14. Greece responded by freezing all EU aid to Albania, sealing its border with Albania, and between August-November 1994, expelling over 115,000 illegal Albanian immigrants, a figure quoted in the US Department of State Human Rights Report and given to the American authorities by their Greek counterpart.15 In December 1994, however, Greece began to permit limited EU aid to Albania, while Albania released two of the Omonoia defendants and reduced the sentences of the remaining four.
Today, relations have significantly improved; Greece and Albania signed a Friendship, Cooperation, Good Neighbourliness and Security Agreement on 21 March1996. Additionally, Greece is Albania's main foreign investor, having invested more than 400 million dollars in Albania, Albania's second largest trading partner, with Greek products accounting for some 21% of Albanian imports, and 12% of Albanian exports coming to Greece, and Albania's fourth largest donor country, having provided aid amounting to 73.8 million euros.16
Current situation and issues
In more recent years, tensions have surrounded the participation of candidates of the ethnic Greek Unity for Human Rights Party in Albanian elections. In 2000, the Albanian municipal elections were criticised by international human rights groups for "serious irregularities" reported to have been directed against ethnic Greek candidates and parties.17 The most recent municipal elections held in February 2007 saw the participation of a number of ethnic Greek candidates, with Vasilis Bolanos being re-elected mayor of the southern town of Himarë despite the governing and opposition Albanian parties fielding a combined candidate against him. Greek observers have expressed concern at the "non-conformity of procedure" in the conduct of the elections.18
99 villages, of the recognized by the Albanian state minority zone, in the geographical region of Northern Epirus use officially Greek as their principal language. There have been many minor incidents between the Greek population and Albanian authorities over issues such as the alleged involvement of the Greek government in local politics, the raising of the Greek flag on Albanian territory, and the language taught in state schools of the region; however, these issues have, for the most part, been non-violent.
Although relations between Albania and Greece have been greatly improved, the Greek minority in Albania, however, continues to suffer discrimination1920 as the Albanian government has purged ethnic Greeks from appointed positions of power21 and continues to restrict22 the teaching of the Greek language.
The key to understanding current conflicts in the area lies in the study of its 19th century history, which was the embryo of Balkan identities. The Treaty of Berlin of 1881 gave Greece parts of southern Epirus, but it was not until the First Balkan War of 1912-13 and the Treaty of London23 that the rest of southern Epirus to joined Greece. The Treaty of Bucharest gave Northern Epirus to Albania at the end of the Second Balkan War24. This outcome was unpopular among both Greeks and Albanians, as settlements of the two people existed on both sides of the border. When World War I broke out in 1914, Albania collapsed. Under a March 1915 agreement among the Allies, Italy seized northern Albania and Greece set up an autonomous Greek state of North Epirus in the southern part of the country. Although short-lived25, the state of North Epirus left behind a substantial historical record. The Paris Peace Conference of 1919 awarded the area to Greece after World War I, however, political developments such as the Greek defeat in the Greco-Turkish War of 1921-22 and, crucially, Italian, Austrian and German lobbying in favor of Albania meant that Greece could not claim northern Epirus. The area was finally ceded to Albania in 1924.
Zog's Rule to World War II
The Albanian Government, with the country's entrance to the League of Nations (October 1921), made the commitment to respect the social, educational, religious rights of every minority26. However, only a limited area (in the Districts of Gjirokastër, Sarandë and four villages in Himara region) was recognized as a Greek minority zone 27. The following years, measures were taken to suppress28 minority's education, Greek schools were either closed or forcibly converted to Albanian schools and teachers were expelled from the country. The number of schools reduced dramatically during this period:29
School Season
Schools
Teachers
1925-1926
78
113
1926-1927
68
102
1927-1928
66
95
1928-1929
60
85
1929-1930
63
83
1930-1931
64
82
1931-1932
43
50
1932-1933
10
11
With the League of Nations intervention (1935), a limited number of schools, and only of those inside the minority's recognize zone, reopened.
After World War II: Hoxha's regime
After World War II, Albania was governed by a Communist regime led by Enver Hoxha, which suppressed the minority (as the rest of the population) and took measures to disperse it or at least keep it loyal to Albania,30 such as: pupils were taught only Albanian history and culture at primary level, the minority zone was reduced from 103 to 99 villages (excluding Himara), many Greeks were forcibly removed from the minority zones to other parts of the country (as a product of communist population policy, an important and constant element of which was to pre-empt ethnic sources of political dissent), Greek place-names were changed to Albanian names, Greeks were pressed enormously to change their names to true "Illyrian" names31, while use of the Greek language, prohibited everywhere outside the minority zones, was prohibited for many official purposes within them as well323334.
The state attempted to suppress any religious practice (both public and private),adherence to which was considered "anti-modern" and dangerous to the unity of the Albanian state. Christian Orthodox Church, which was a fundamental part of the minority's tradition and identity, was also persecuted. In 1967, the authorities conducted a violent campaign to extinguish 35 religious life in Albania, claiming that it had divided the Albanian nation and kept it mired in backwardness. Student agitators combed the countryside, forcing Albanians and minorities, including the Greek one to quit practicing their faith. All churches, mosques, monasteries, and other religious institutions were closed or converted into warehouses, gymnasiums, and workshops. Clergy were imprisoned, owning an icon became an offense that could be prosecuted under Albanian law. The campaign culminated in an announcement that Albania had become the world's first atheistic state, a feat touted as one of Enver Hoxha's greatest achievements
Triadafilopoulos, Triadafilos (November 2000). "Power politics and nationalist discourse in the struggle for 'Northern Epirus': 1919-1921". Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans2 (2): 149–162. doi:10.1080/713683343.
References
^ Following G. Soteriadis: “An Ethnological Map Illustrating Hellenism In The Balkan Peninsula And Asia Minor” London: Edward Stanford, 1918. Image:Hellenism in the Near East 1918.jpg
^ Crew, P. Mack. The Cambridge Ancient History - The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries B.C. Part 3: Volume 3, p. 284. "Inscriptional evidence of the Chaones is lacking until the Hellenistic period; but Ps-Scylax, describing the situation of c. 380-360 put the southern limit of the Illyrians just north of the Chaones, which indicates that the Chaones did not speak Illyrian, and the acceptance of the Chaones into the Epirote alliance in the 330s suggest strongly that they were Greek-speaking."
^ They were the northern-most subtribe of the Chaonians.Smith, William (2006). A New Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, Mythology and Geography. Whitefish, MT, USA: Kessinger Publishing, LLC, page 423.
^http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/arag/document-listings/balkan/G97,"the area studied was confined to the southern border fringes, and there is good reason to believe that this estimate was very low"."Under this definition, minority status was limited to those who lived in 99 villages in the southern border areas, thereby excluding important concentrations of Greek settlement in Vlora (perhaps 8000 people in 1994) and in adjoining areas along the coast, ancestral Greek towns such as Himara, and ethnic Greeks living elsewhere throughout the country. Mixed villages outside this designated zone, even those with a clear majority of ethnic Greeks, were not considered minority areas and therefore were denied any Greek-language cultural or educational provisions. In addition, many Greeks were forcibly removed from the minority zones to other parts of the country as a product of communist population policy, an important and constant element of which was to pre-empt ethnic sources of political dissent. Greek place-names were changed to Albanian names, while use of the Greek language, prohibited everywhere outside the minority zones, was prohibited for many official purposes within them as well."
^http://www.watsoninstitute.org/bjwa/archive/11.1/Essays/Barjarba.pdfNonetheless, it appears that the Albanian government is not going to conduct an official census, which would clarify the numbers. The Albanian government fears that if a census were adopted, a considerable part of the population would be registered as Greek
^ Clogg, Concise History of Greece 1770-2000, Cambridge University Press 2002 ISBN 960-7778-61-8 "In May, the Albanian authorities arrested 6 members of "Omonoia", the main Greek minority organisation in Albania. In the trial that followed, five of the six were tried for treason, with penalties varying form six to eight years, because they demanded the annexation of Northern Epirus to Greece, and for illegal carrying of guns."
^ Albania: From Anarchy to a Balkan IdentityISBN 1850652791,by Miranda Vickers & James Pettifer, 1999,page 198,"A purge of ethnic Greeks in the professions in Albania continued in 1994, with particular emphasis on the law and the military."
^http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/arag/document-listings/balkan/G97,"the area studied was confined to the southern border fringes, and there is good reason to believe that this estimate was very low"."Under this definition, minority status was limited to those who lived in 99 villages in the southern border areas, thereby excluding important concentrations of Greek settlement in Vlora (perhaps 8000 people in 1994) and in adjoining areas along the coast, ancestral Greek towns such as Himara, and ethnic Greeks living elsewhere throughout the country. Mixed villages outside this designated zone, even those with a clear majority of ethnic Greeks, were not considered minority areas and therefore were denied any Greek-language cultural or educational provisions. In addition, many Greeks were forcibly removed from the minority zones...to other parts of the country as a product of communist population policy, an important and constant element of which was to pre-empt ethnic sources of political dissent. Greek place-names were changed to Albanian names, while use of the Greek language, prohibited everywhere outside the minority zones, was prohibited for many official purposes within them as well."
^ Clogg, Concise History of Greece 1770-2000, Cambridge University Press 2002 ISBN 960-7778-61-8 "In February 1913 the Greek Army seized Ioannina, the capital of Epirus. The Turks recognised the gains of the Balkan allies by the Treaty of London, in May 1913."
^ Clogg, Concise History of Greece 1770-2000, Cambridge University Press 2002 ISBN 960-7778-61-8 "The Second Balkan War had short duration and the Bulgarians were soon dragged to the table of negotiations. By the Treaty of Bucharest (August 1913) Bulgaria was forced to accept a little favourable regulation of the borders, even if she kept a way to the Aegean, in Degeagatch (modern Alexandroupolis). The sovereignty of Greece on Crete was now recognised, but her ambition to annex Northern Epirus with its large Greek population was stopped by the annexation of the area to an independent Albania."
^http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/arag/document-listings/balkan/G97," In May 1914, the Great Powers signed the Protocol of Corfu, which recognised the area as Greek, after which it was occupied by the Greek army from October 1914 until October 1915. Greece’s administration under the Protocol was short-lived, however, and collapsed after the 10 Italian invasion in 1915."
^ Griffith W. Albania and the Sino-Soviet Rift Cambridge Mas. 1963,Page 40, 95
^ Historical archive of the Greek ministry of Foreign Affairs (A.Y.E.), 1922, A/5, League of Nations, Minorities in Albania, 22 Aug. 1922, Ypi letter, Tirana, 7 Jul. 1922
^http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/arag/document-listings/balkan/G97,"Under King Zog, the Greek villages suffered considerable repression, including the forcible closure of Greek-language schools in 1933-1934 and the ordering of Greek Orthodox monasteries to accept mentally sick individuals as inmates. "
^ Historical archive of the Greek ministry of Foreign Affairs (A.Y.E.),1935.B/35, α.α.κ.9, Υπόμνημα Ά' Πολιτικής Διευθύνσεως (Κούστας) περί Β. Ήπειρου, Athens, 7 Feb. 1935, Page 68(
^ Richard Clogg Concise History of Greece (second edition), Cambridge University Press 2002 ISBN: 960-7778-61-8 "Like all Albanians, the members of the Greek minority had suffered severe repression during the communist era and cross-border family visits had been out of the question. Although basic linguistic, educational and cultural rights were conceded there had been attempts to disperse the minority pressure had been applied on its members to adopt authentically "Illyrian" names." p. 203
^ Richard Clogg Concise History of Greece (second edition), Cambridge University Press 2002 ISBN: 960-7778-61-8
^ Badlands-Borderland: A History of Southern Albania/Northern Epirus, ISBN-10: 0715632019,2003,T.J. Winnifrith, Page 138:"... the Orthodox Albanian-speakers who had not been expelled. On the other hand under Hoxha there were draconian measures to keep Greek-speakers loyal to Albania. Albanian rather than Greek history was taught in schools. ..."
^http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/arag/document-listings/balkan/G97,"the area studied was confined to the southern border fringes, and there is good reason to believe that this estimate was very low"."Under this definition, minority status was limited to those who lived in 99 villages in the southern border areas, thereby excluding important concentrations of Greek settlement in Vlora (perhaps 8000 people in 1994) and in adjoining areas along the coast, ancestral Greek towns such as Himara, and ethnic Greeks living elsewhere throughout the country. Mixed villages outside this designated zone, even those with a clear majority of ethnic Greeks, were not considered minority areas and therefore were denied any Greek-language cultural or educational provisions. In addition, many Greeks were forcibly removed from the minority zones to other parts of the country as a product of communist population policy, an important and constant element of which was to pre-empt ethnic sources of political dissent. Greek place-names were changed to Albanian names, while use of the Greek language, prohibited everywhere outside the minority zones, was prohibited for many official purposes within them as well."
^http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/arag/document-listings/balkan/G97,onset in 1967 of the campaign by Albania’s communist party, the Albanian Party of Labour (PLA), to eradicate organised religion, a prime target of which was the Orthodox Church. Many churches were damaged or destroyed during this period, and many Greek-language books were banned because of their religious themes or orientation. Yet, as with other communist states, particularly in the Balkans, where measures putatively geared towards the consolidation of political control intersected with the pursuit of national integration, it is often impossible to distinguish sharply between ideological and ethno-cultural bases of repression. This is all the more true in the case of Albania’s anti-religion campaign because it was merely one element in the broader “Ideological and Cultural Revolution” begun by Hoxha in 1966 but whose main features he outlined at the PLA’s Fourth Congress in 1961.