| content | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
|
|
 |
|
|
|
|
|---|---|
| In office October 29, 1923 – November 10, 1938 |
|
| Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü |
|
|
|
| In office 3 May 1920 – 24 January 1921 |
|
| Succeeded by | Fevzi Çakmak |
|
|
|
| In office April 24, 1920 – October 29, 1923 |
|
| Succeeded by | Ali Fethi Okyar |
|
|
|
| In office 1919 – 1938 |
|
| Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü |
|
|
|
| Born | May 19, 1881 Selânik (Thessaloniki) |
| Died | November 10, 1938 (aged 57) Dolmabahçe Palace, İstanbul |
| Nationality | Turkish |
| Political party | Republican People's Party |
| Spouse | Lâtife Uşaklıgil (1923–25) |
| Religion | Islam |
| Signature |  |
| Military Service | Ottoman Empire (1893 - 8 July 1919) Turkey (9 July 1919 - 30 June 1927) |
|---|---|
| Branch | Army |
| Rank | Ottoman Empire: General Republic of Turkey: Mareşal |
| Unit | |
| Commands | 19th Division - XVI corps - 2nd Army - 7th Army - Thunder Groups Command |
| Battles/wars | Tobruk - Anzac Cove - Chunuk Bair - Scimitar Hill - Sari Bair - Bitlis - Sakarya - Dumlupınar - |
| Awards | List (24 medals) |
 |
|
| Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (series) | |
|---|---|
| Personal life | Birth date · Name · Early life (Education) · Family · Character · Religious beliefs · Will · Publications |
| Military career | Early period · Gallipoli · Caucasus · Sinai and Palestine |
| Independence War | Establishment · Conflicts · Peace |
| Atatürk's Reforms & Kemalist ideology | |
| Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video | |
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (May 19, 1881 – November 10, 1938) was an army officer, revolutionary statesman, and founder of the Republic of Turkey as well as its first President.
Mustafa Kemal established himself as an intelligent and extremely capable military commander while serving as a division commander at the Battle of Gallipoli. He later fought with distinction on the eastern Anatolian and Palestinian fronts, making a name for himself during World War I.[1] Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire at the hands of the Allies, and the subsequent plans for its partition, Mustafa Kemal led the Turkish national movement in what would become the Turkish War of Independence. Having established a provisional government in Ankara, he defeated the forces sent by the Entente powers. His successful military campaigns led to the liberation of the country and to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.
As the first President of Turkey, Atatürk embarked upon a major programme of political, economic and cultural reforms. An admirer of the Enlightenment, Atatürk sought to transform the ruins of the Ottoman Empire into a modern, democratic, secular, nation-state. The principles of Atatürk's reforms are often referred to as Kemalism and continue to form the political foundation of the modern Turkish state.
Contents |
Early life
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born in the Ottoman city of Salonika (Turkish: Selânik; modern-day Thessaloniki in Greece) in the spring of 1881 to Ali Rıza Efendi, his father, and Zübeyde Hanım, his mother. Born as Mustafa, his second name Kemal (meaning Perfection or Maturity) was given to him by his mathematics teacher in recognition of his academic excellence.[2] In his early years, his mother encouraged Mustafa to attend a religious school (the Şemsi Efendi Mektebi), though a reluctant Mustafa completed only a brief stay there. Then he had a fight with one of his teachers and left home, to enroll into a military junior high school in Selânik (the Selânik Askerî Rüştiyesi) in 1893. In 1896 he enrolled into a military high school (the Manastır Askerî İdadisi) in the Ottoman city of Manastır (today's Bitola, in the Republic of Macedonia.) In 1899 he enrolled into the War College (the Mekteb-i Harbiye-i Şahane) in Istanbul and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the War Academy (the Erkân-ı Harbiye Mektebi) on January 11, 1905.
Military career
After his graduation in 1905, he was assigned to Damascus as a lieutenant. He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers called "Motherland and Liberty." In 1907, he was promoted to the rank of captain and assigned to Manastır. He joined the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). However, in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, policies pursued by the CUP leadership. In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution seized power from Abdülhamid II. He played a role in this revolution. In 1910, he took part in the Picardie army maneuvers in France. In 1911, served at the Ministry of War for a short time. Later in 1911, he was posted to the Ottoman province of Trablusgarp (present-day Libya) to oppose the Italian invasion. He returned to capital in October 1912 following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. During the First Balkan War, he fought against the Bulgarian army at Gallipoli and Bolayır on the coast of Thrace. In 1913, he was appointed military attaché to Sofia and promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel in 1914.
Ottoman Empire entered World War I and engaged with the Allies in the Middle Eastern theatre. Mustafa Kemal was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the 5th Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. The Gallipoli campaign became a disastrous defeat for the Allies. Mustafa Kemal became the outstanding front-line commander and gained much respect from his former enemies for his chivalry in victory. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in Edirne until the January 14, 1916.
He was assigned to the command of the XVIth Corps of the 2nd Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign. The massive Russian offensive had reached the Anatolian key cities. On 7 August, Mustafa Kemal rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.[3] Two of his divisions captured not only Bitlis but the equally important town of Muş, greatly upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.[4] On March 7, 1917, Mustafa Kemal was appointed from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the 2nd Army. The Russian Revolution erupted and the Caucasus front of the Czar's armies disintegrated.[3] Mustafa Kemal had already left the region as was assigned to the command of the 7th Army at the Sinai and Palestine Campaign.
He returned to Aleppo on August 28, 1918, and resumed his command. Liman von Sanders had lost the Battle of Megiddo. Nothing stood between General Allenby's forces and Mustafa Kemal. Concluding that he didn't have enough men to engage the British forces, Mustafa Kemal retreated towards Jordan to establish a stronger defensive line. He was appointed to the command of Thunder Groups Command (Turkish:Yıldırım Orduları Gurubu), replacing Liman von Sanders. Mustafa Kemal's position became the base line for the Armistice of Mudros.
Kemal's last active service to the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the troops that were left behind the south of his line. At the end of the war, he was 37 years old. Mustafa Kemal returned to an occupied Istanbul on November 13, 1918. Along the established lines of partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, British, Italian, French and Greek forces began to occupy Anatolia. The occupation of Istanbul along with the occupation of İzmir mobilized the establishment of the Turkish national movement and the Turkish War of Independence.[5]
Leadership during the War of Independence
Mustafa Kemal's active participation in the national resistance movement began with his assignment as a General Inspector to oversee the demobilisation of remaining Ottoman military units and nationalist organizations. On May 19, 1919, he departed from Istanbul to Samsun. The first goal in his mind was the establishment of an organised national resistance movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he and his close friends issued the Amasya Circular, which stated that the independence of the country was in danger. The Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest, later condemning him to death. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on July 8.
Mustafa Kemal called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament that would have its seat in Ankara.[6] On 12 February 1920, the last Ottoman Parliament gathered in Istanbul. This parliament was dissolved by British forces after the declaration of the National Pact (Turkish: Misak-ı Milli). Mustafa Kemal used this opportunity to establish the "Grand National Assembly of Turkey" (GNA) gathered on April 23, 1920, with Mustafa Kemal as the speaker of the parliament. On August 10, 1920 Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha signed the Treaty of Sèvres, which finalized the plans for the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire including what Turkish nationals accepted as their heartland. Kemal Insisted on complete independence and the safeguarding of the interests of the Turkish majority on Turkish soil. He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The National Army faced the Allied occupation forces and fought on three fronts: in the Franco-Turkish, Greco-Turkish and Turkish-Armenian wars. After a series of initial battles during Greco-Turkish war, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just eighty kilometers west of the GNA. On August 5, 1921, Mustafa Kemal was promoted to Commander in chief of the forces.[7] The Battle of Sakarya from August 23 to September 13, 1921 ended with the defeat of the Greeks. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Ankara's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Serves treaty as a peace settlement on Ankara. Kemal rejected their proposal. The final battle, the Battle of Dumlupınar, was fought during August and September of 1922. He launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar.
The Conference of Lausanne began on November 21, 1922. In accordance with the directives of Mustafa Kemal, İsmet İnönü refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty while discussing matters regarding the control of Turkish finances and justice, the Capitulations, the Turkish Straits and the like.[8] On July 24, 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed. Ten weeks after agreement was reached the Allied forces left Istanbul.[9] The final outcome of the independence war was the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey on October 29, 1923.
Presidency, 1923–1938
- For conceptual analysis, see Kemalist ideology and Atatürk's Reforms
The Treaty of Lausanne ended the Turkish War of Independence and recognized the new nation's independence. However, efforts to modernise the country had just started; institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, or Switzerland were yet to be analyzed and adopted according to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Mustafa Kemal was 42 years old when the Republic of Turkey was formed. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Kemal's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the first caliphs".[10] In order to establish reforms Mustafa Kemal placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kazım Özalp and İsmet İnönü in the important positions. Mustafa Kemal capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting wide-ranging and progressive political, economic, and social reforms, transforming Turkish society from perceiving itself as Muslim subjects of a vast Empire into citizens of a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state.
A basic political principle for Kemal was the complete independence of the country, for him the total independence of the country was not negotiable.[11] However, he was well aware that independence could not be maintained solely by the military force. His view of independence was expressed in a statement, saying that:"...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence."[12] Thus, as the backbone of the legislative, judicial, and economic structures were put in place, Atatürk led wide ranging reforms in the social, cultural, economical aspects of life in Turkey.
Domestic policies
In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Istanbul and its Ottoman heritage.[13] For instance, Ankara, then some provincial town deep in Anatolia which was turned into the center of the independence movement, became the country's new capital. The revolutionaries regularly faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of relatively new ideologies such as communism and fascism. Mustafa Kemal saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both,[14] preventing the spread of totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany and Italy.[15] Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition, others believed it was a necessary means to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing into the instability of new ideologies and competing factions.
The backbone structures of the state, such as nationalism, populism and etatism were defined in the early period under the name of "Six Arrows". The Six Arrows became a guide and banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new Republican rule. The fundamentals set by Kemal were not new, neither in the world politics nor among the elites of Turkey. What made the Six Arrows unique was that these fundamentals, which are interrelated to each other, were formulated specifically for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism. The Kemalist secular state significantly differed from the application of secularism in other states that were predominantly Christian. The Kemalist ideology ("Six Arrows"), based on Atatürk's conception of realism and pragmatism, has been the defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey.[16]
Single-party state
Mustafa Kemal's private journals show that, even before the establishment of the republic in 1923, he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people, as opposed to the sovereignty of the absolute monarch, which was the case in the Ottoman Empire. He wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"[17] and visualized a parliamentary sovereignty (a representative democracy), where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.[18] However, in the following years, Kemal took the position that the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in this environment.
The GNA was established during the Turkish War of Independence upon the call of Mustafa Kemal, the lower house of the last Ottoman Parliament (Heyet-i Mebusan), which had previously been assembled in Istanbul, convened on April 23, 1920, in Ankara.[19] During this period, the role of deputies at the GNA were to be the voice of the Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. The elections were free, and the system was an egalitarian electoral system, based on general ballot.[19] The GNA had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. The GNA acted as a legislative power, controlled the executive and, if necessary, acted as an organ of scrutiny.[19] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. The President, then Mustafa Kemal, occupied a powerful position in this political system. In the explained political design, the single-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "Peoples Party" that was founded by Mustafa Kemal at the initial years of the independence war. Later it was renamed as the Republican People's Party (Turkish "Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası") on September 9, 1923.
Civic independence and the Caliphate
An important dimension in Mustafa Kemal's drive to reform the political system and to promote the national sovereignty was the abolition of the Caliphate. The Caliphate is the core political concept of Sunni Islam, by the consensus of the Muslim majority in the early centuries.[20] Abolishing the sultanate was easier, as the survival of the Caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a two-headed system: The new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side. Atatürk and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph...[21] " The Caliph Abdülmecid II, who was seated after the abolishment of the sultanate (1922), had his own personal treasury which was not bound to the republican treasury. His personal service included guards (military personnel). Mustafa Kemal said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this, as Caliph Abdülmecid II appeared to be following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.[22] Mustafa Kemal wanted to integrate the powers of the Caliphate into the powers of the GNA, and his initial activities began on January 1, 1924.[23] Mustafa Kemal acquired the consent of İnönü, Çakmak and Özalp before the abolition of the Caliphate. On March 1, 1924, at the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal said "the religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past."[24] The Caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.[25]
On March 3, 1924, the Caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. The debate as to the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the Caliphate was taken up by other Muslim nations in order to decide whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new Caliph.[25] A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the Caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.[25] Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.[25] Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the Caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence; while Mustafa Kemal and the reformists continued their own way.[26]
The removal of the Caliphate was followed by the complete separation of the governmental and religious affairs. The education reform was one corner stone. Kemal linked the educational reform to the liberation of the nation from the dogma, which he believed was even more important than the Turkish war of independence.
Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."[27]
—Mustafa Kemal
Unlike any other "Public school" systems of today, there were three main horizontal institutions closed to each other in 1923. The first and most common one was local schools and medreses based on Arabic, Koran and memorizing. The second was reformist schools of Tanzimat called as idadî and sultanî and the third was schools educating in foreign language like colleges and minority schools. Under Kemal the old medrese education was modernized.[28] Mustafa Kemal changed the classical Islamic education with a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions along the line of an enlightened pragmatism.[28] In the summer of 1924, Mustafa Kemal invited American educational reformer John Dewey to advise him on ideas for reforms and recommendations aimed at modernizing the Turkish educational system.[28] Mustafa Kemal initiated his public education reforms to enhance public literacy and thus better prepare citizens for roles to public life. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the Republic. Mustafa Kemal pointed out that one of the main targets of "Education in Turkey" had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the public culture. Public culture aimed that state schools (public education) have a common curriculum. Common curriculum became known as the "unification of education."
Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the law of "National Education No: 430". Unification of education in its treatment of students was inclusive, organized and operated to be a deliberate model of the civil community. The schools submitted their curriculum to what was named as "Ministry of National Education" which was a government agency modeled after other Ministry of Educations of its time. Ministry of National Education draw a contemporary route to the traditional social structure; by causing or gaining contemporary citizen consciousness.
The law of "National Education No: 430" passed on the same day as the abolishment of Caliphate and, concurrently, the Republic abolished the two ministries and subordinated the clergy to the department of religious affairs. The change was one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of education under one curriculum was the end of "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire" even if it was not the end of religious schools as they were moved to higher education until consequent governments pulled back to secondary education after Mustafa Kemal's death.
During this period, the conservative elements were not satisfied and launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.[25]
Opposition, 1924-1927
Cultural revolution, and especially the abolition of the Caliphate, faced fierce opposition. In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, Sheikh Said Piran began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion. Sheikh Said Piran was the rich, Kurdish hereditary chieftain of the local Naqshbandi order. Said Piran emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Said Piran stirred up his followers against the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate and the policies of the Kemalist government, which he considered to be against Islam. Some members of the government saw the revolt as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. In the name of the restoration of the Holy Law using the Islamic green banner, Said Piran's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of Elazığ and Diyarbakır.[29]
There were also members of the GNA who were not happy with the changes. At a private meeting of the CHP there were so many members who were denounced as opposition sympathizers that Mustafa Kemal expressed his fear that he would be among the minority in his own party.[30] Mustafa Kemal decided not to purge this group.[30] A censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group. On October 17, 1924 Kazım Karabekir, along with his friends, established the break-away group and the first multi-party system began. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Mustafa Kemal. On November 8 the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.[30] Whatever the arguments, the majority of the CHP, which held all but one seat, chose him against his critics.[30] On November 1, 1924 Mustafa Kemal said "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress."[30]
The breakaway group officially established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) on November 17, 1924, with 29 deputies. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to state socialism, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to modernism. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.[31] The RPR was not against Mustafa Kemal's main positions as declared in its program. The program supported the main mechanisms for establishing secularism in the country and the civic law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).[30] The principles were set by the leaders at the onset, but the only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.
On March 4, 1925, to deal with the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the "Maintenance of Public Order Law" was passed, which gave the government exceptional powers. The law, which was repealed on March 4, 1929, included all the tools and authority to shut down subversive groups. During 1926 a plot to assassinate Mustafa Kemal was uncovered in İzmir. It was found to originate with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate and had a personal grudge. Quickly the trail turned from inquiry of planners of this attempt to an investigation carried out ostensibly to uncover subversive activities and actually used to undermine those with differing views regarding the cultural revolution. The sweeping investigation brought before the tribunal a large number of political opponents, including Karabekir, the leader of PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, who were at best second-rank in the Turkish movement, including Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and Ismail Canbulat were found guilty of treason and hanged.[32] During these investigations there was a link, a support, that was uncovered among the members of the PRP to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. The PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition, however, was broken. This action was the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Mustafa Kemal's saying "my mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever" was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.[33]
Modernization efforts
Islamic courts were closed and Islamic canon law was replaced with a secular civil code modeled after the Swiss Civil Code and a penal code modelled after the Italian Penal Code. Kemal said on one occasion that: "We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us."[34] Mustafa Kemal recognized the need of time to establish the structures of civic law. New judges had to be trained, new institutions had to be established. Under these conditions, the inclusion of the principle of laïcité in the constitution had to wait until February 5, 1937, just more than a year before his death.
Atatürk wanted to solve the literacy problem. Literate citizens, who comprised as little as 10% of the population, used the Ottoman Language written in Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.[28] Dewey notes that roughly three years with rather strenuous methods were necessary to learn to read and write in Arabic script on the elementary level.[28] The creation of the new Turkish alphabet as a variant of the Latin alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Turkish: Dil Encümeni) at the initiative of Atatürk.[28] The Turkish alphabet was decreed on 24 May 1928. The first Turkish newspaper was published with the use of the new alphabet on 15 December 1928. The fast adoption of the new alphabet was the result of the combined effect of opening the People's Houses (Turkish: Halk Evleri) beginning in 1932 throughout the country and the active encouragement of people by Kemal himself. Atatürk made many trips to the countryside in order to teach the new alphabet. The literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new Law on Copyrights and congresses for discussing the issues of copyright, public education and scientific publishing.
Atatürk promoted the modern teaching methods in primary education in which Dewey took a place of honour.[28] Dewey's "Report and Recommendation" for the Turkish educational system was a paradigmatic recommendation for an educational policy of developing societies moving towards modernity at the time.[28] Besides general education, Atatürk was interested in forming a skill base in the country through adult education. His adult education ideas found its way in People's Houses. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making and household management, but also the tools which they could use to become part of general economy. He summarized the adult education as "to equip the new generations at all education levels with knowledge that shall make them efficient and successful in practical and especially economic life."
During the initial years Mustafa Kemal Atatürk constantly tried to generate mediums to propagate his ideas of modern education. Atatürk instigated official education meetings named "Science Boards" and "Education Summits." At "Science Boards" and "Education Summits" the quality of education, training issues and certain basic educational principles were discussed. Kemal said "Our schools [curriculum] should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve" and he personally engaged to the development of two textbooks. The first one published in 1930 was "Turkish: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler" (Turkish Civics). The "Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler" introduced the science of comparative government and explained about means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to state institutions. Atatürk's vision of education of the public while developing the functions and responsibilities of these institutions was an extraordinary vision and a brave move for his time and special context. The institutions in question were only a couple years old. Kemal's new "unified" educational system designated a responsible citizen as well as a useful and appreciated member of the society.[28] The second textbook he wrote was "Geometry" and published in 1937. Turkish education become a state supervised system which was designed to create a skill base for the "social" (integrative force to establish access to education, alleviation of poverty and using female education program to enforce gender equality) and general "economic progress" of the country.[35]
On August 11, 1930, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk decided to try a multi-party system once again. He assigned Ali Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. In his letter to Ali Fethi Okyar, laïcité was insisted on. At first, the brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. But once again the opposition party became the center for those who were against Atatürk's reforms, particularly regarding the role of religion in public life. Finally, seeing the threat of rising Islamic fundamentalism and being a staunch supporter of Atatürk's reforms himself, Ali Fethi Okyar decided to close the party and Mustafa Kemal never succeeded in establishing a long lasting multi-party parliamentary system.
Another important part of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's emphasis was on establishing institutions to advance Turkish language and history. The establishment of the Turkish Language Association (Turkish: Türk Dil Kurumu) was archived in 1931 for conducting research works on Turkish language. The establishment of the Turkish Historical Society (Turkish: Türk Tarih Kurumu) was archived in 1932 for conducting research works on history. Many teachers were employed in Turkish History and Language Institutions. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk declared that the advancement of education called for the endeavors of the private sector and he summoned society to take part in the effort.[36] Kemal established the Turkish Education Association on January 1, 1928.[36] Association become active in the field of education, supporting intelligent and hard-working children in financial need as well as making material and scientific contributions to the educational life.
In 1933, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ordered the reorganization of the Istanbul University into a modern institution and later established the Ankara University in the capital city to make sure that the principles that are the expressions of a modern society, such as science and enlightenment, are held dear and protected.[37]
Atatürk personally engaged with the translation of scientific terminology.[38] Atatürk wanted the Turkish language reform based on a methodological base. The Turkish language has an integral structure and without modelling this structure any attempt to 'clean' the Turkish language from foreign influence was inherently wrong for him. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk personally engaged with the Sun Language Theory (Turkish: Güneş Dil Teorisi), which was a linguistic theory proposing that all human languages are descendants of one Central Asian primal language. Atatürk's interest started with the works by the French scientist Hilaire de Baranton entitled "L'Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples", that all languages originated from hieroglyphs and cuneiform used by Sumerians[39] and the paper of Austrian linguist Dr. Hermann F. Kvergić of Vienna entitled "La psychologie de quelques elements des langues Turques" ["the psychology of some elements of the Turkic Languages"].[40] Atatürk introduced the Sun Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in 1935, at the high point of attempts to 'cleanse' the Turkish language of foreign influences. After 1936, Atatürk saw the extremist aspects of the purification campaign and corrected them.[38]
There have been criticisms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, arguing that he did not promote democracy by dominating the country with his single party rule. In response to such criticisms, his biographer Andrew Mango wrote that: "between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime."[41] Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, Atatürk always supported the idea of eventually building a democratic state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Mustafa Kemal said in the year 1933: "Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year it should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes."[42]
Women's rights
- For the conceptual analysis see Women’s rights
It is evident from his personal journal that Mustafa Kemal began to develop the concepts of his social revolution very early. Atatürk constantly discussed with his staff on issues like abolishing the veiling of women and integration of females to social life, and developed conclusions. In November 1915, Mustafa Kemal wrote in his journal that "the social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection."[43]
One of Atatürk’s goals was to improve the status of Turkish women and integrate them thoroughly into the society. He saw secularism as an instrument to achieve this goal. Mustafa Kemal did not consider the gender as a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with all its women and men together. It was scientifically impossible for him to achieve progress and to become civilized if the gender separation continued as in the Ottoman times.[44] During a meeting in the early days of the newly proclaimed republic, addressing to the women, he declaimed:
To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.[45]—Mustafa Kemal
.jpg)
The place of women in Mustafa Kemal's cultural reforms was best expressed in the civic book which was prepared under his supervision.[46] Mustafa Kemal said that
There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform."[47]
—Mustafa Kemal
Turkish legislators had accepted the Swiss civil code which defined the rights of women in a marriage as equal to those of men.[48] The reforms instituted legal equality between the sexes and the granting of full political rights to women on December 5, 1934, well before several other European nations. However, the change was not easy. In the 1935 elections, which was the last election Atatürk had the chance to observe, there were only 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives.
Culture
Atatürk believed in the supreme importance of culture; which he expressed with the phrase "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic."[49] His view of culture included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization, putting an emphasis on humanism above all. He once described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal."
In 1934, upon Mustafa Kemal's order the first ever Turkish opera work "Özsoy" composed by Adnan Saygun and leaded by Semiha Berksoy staged at the People's House in Ankara.[50]
To assist in the creation of such a synthesis, Atatürk stressed the need to utilize the elements of the national heritage of the Turks and of Anatolia, including its ancient indigenous cultures as well as the arts and techniques of other world civilizations, both past and present. He emphasized the study of earlier civilizations, foremost of which being the Sumerians, after whom he established "Sümerbank", and the Hittites, after whom he established "Etibank", as well as other Anatolian civilizations such as the Phrygians and Lydians. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was laid upon the fact that, long before the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations, the Turks have had a rich culture. Atatürk also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.
The visual and the plastic arts, whose developers had, on occasion, been arrested by some Ottoman officials claiming that the depiction of the human form was idolatry, were now highly encouraged and supported by Atatürk, and these flourished in the new Turkish Republic. Many museums were opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and classical Western music, opera, and ballet, as well as the theatre, also took greater hold. Several hundred "People's Houses" (Halk Evi) and "People's Rooms" (Halk Odası) across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow.
Decree on dress
- For the conceptual analysis see Dress code
The Decree on dress targeted the religious insignia used outside times of worship. Kemal passed a series of laws beginning from 1923, especially the Hat Law of 1925 which introduced the use of Western style hats instead of the fez, and the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934, which emphasized the need to wear modern suits instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban. The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees (public space controlled by state) was passed during his lifetime. Mustafa Kemal regarded the fez (in Turkish "fes", which Sultan Mahmud II had originally introduced to the Ottoman Empire's dress code in 1826) as a symbol of oriental backwardness and banned it. He encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.[51] He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II.[51] Mustafa Kemal first made the hat compulsory to the civil servants.[51] After most of the relatively better educated civil servants adopted the hat with their own free will, in 1925 Mustafa Kemal wore his "Panama hat" during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations.
Even though he personally promoted modern dress on women, he never made specific reference to women’s clothing in the law. In the social conditions of the 1920s and 1930s, he believed that women would adapt to the new way with their own will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who originally covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition, but then threw off the hijab and urged Turkish women to do the same.[52]. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters like Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style [of headcovering] is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."[53]
Atatürk thought that Islam was an obstacle to progress and went a long way to ridding Turkey of its legacy. So, Atatürk banned beards, turbans and the hijab and ordered everyone to wear European dress. He replaced Ottoman history based on ossified notions such as 'religious community' with a more rational understanding of national history. "There is only one civilisation", he declared, the European civilisation. And a secularist society must "imitate it in all respects".
Religious freedoms
Atatürk effectively abolished the centuries-old traditions by means of reforms to which much of the population was unaccustomed but nevertheless willing to adopt. In some cases, these reforms were seen as benefiting the urban elites rather than the generally illiterate inhabitants of the rural countryside,[54] where religious sentiments and customary norms tended to be stronger. In particular, Atatürk's strict religious reforms met with some opposition, and they continue to generate a considerable degree of social and political tension to this day. In the future, political leaders would draw upon dormant forces of religion in order to secure positions of power, only to be blocked by the interventions of the powerful military (as in 1960 when Prime Minister Adnan Menderes was overthrown by the military).[55]
In Mustafa Kemal's world there was no dualism. He enforced his ideas to the full extent. According to Mustafa Kemal, a progressive nation also was progressive in understanding its belief system. Mustafa Kemal commissioned the translation of the Quran into Turkish and he had it read in front of the public in 1932.[56]
Notwithstanding the Islamic prohibition against the consumption of alcoholic beverages, he encouraged domestic production of alcohol and established a state-owned spirits industry. He was known to have an appreciation for the national beverage, rakı, and enjoyed it in vast quantities.[57]
Foreign policies
Atatürk's foreign policy was aligned with his motto “peace at home and peace in the world.” Atatürk's perception of peace was not simply the absence of war but linked to his project of civilization and modernization.[58] The base and the expected outcome(s) of Kemal's policies depended on the power of the parliamentary sovereignty (justice, moral superiority, and social structure of the nation) that was established by the Republic.[59] The Turkish War of Independence was the last time Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. The foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods during his presidency.
Issue of Mosul
The "Issue of Mosul" was a dispute over the control of the Mosul Province with Great Britain. Mosul was one of the first foreign affairs related controversies of the new Republic. Some three days after the Armistice of Mudros, General Marshall, following the instruction "every effort was to be made to score as heavily as possible on the Tigris before the whistle blew" from the British War Office, captured Mosul.[60] In 1920, the Misak-ı Milli, which consolidated the perceived "Turkish lands" based on a common past, history, concept of morals and laws, declared that the Mosul Province was a part of the historic Turkish heartland. In 1923, with the Treaty of Lausanne, the arbitration of the League of Nations over the Mosul issue was accepted. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the League of Nations arbitration did not mean giving up Mosul, but rather waiting for a time when Turkey might be stronger. The artificially drawn border had an unsettling effect on the population. Later on it was claimed that Turkey began where the oil ends as the border was drawn by the British geophysicists based on the oil reserves. Atatürk did not want this separation.[61] The British were in a precarious situation with the Issue of Mosul, and were adopting almost equally desperate measures to protect their interests. The Iraqi revolt against the British was put down by the RAF Iraq Command during the summer of 1920. Presumably, from a British perspective, if Mustafa Kemal Atatürk succeeded in securing the stability in his side, he would have turned his attention to recovering Mosul and penetrate into Mesopotamia, where the native population would probably join him, thus an insurgent and hostile Muslim nation would be brought up to the very gates of India. The British Foreign Secretary attempted to disclaim any existence of oil in the Mosul area. On January 23, 1923, Lord Curzon argued that the existence of oil was no more than hypothetical.[60] However, according to Armstrong, "England wanted oil. Mosul and Kurds were the key."[62]
While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee was sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the Sheikh Said rebellion, beginning in 1924 and escalating until 1927, broke out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebellion and British support was questioned. The British assistance was sought realizing that the rebellion, or its expected outcome, could not stand by itself.[63]
In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the Northern frontier [North of Iraq], the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed, and the whole area of the rebellion was encircled.[64] The revolt was put down. Britain, Iraq and Kemal made a treaty on June 5, 1926, that mostly followed the decisions of the League Council. In 1926, Kemal faced growing opposition to his reform policies, a continuing precarious economic situation, and a defeat in the Mosul issue. A big section of the Kurdish population along with the Iraqi Turkmens were left at the other side of the border. The Sheikh Said Rebellion hastened both the imposition of the Republican Party and the speed of Atatürk's reforms. In 1925, the population was largely illiterate and disparate, Turkey was in ruins, reconstruction was difficult, poverty was everywhere and people were in pain, which easily fed separatist violence.[65] Mustafa Kemal attributed the rebellion to certain notables rather than a section of the population, who had been found guilty by the courts (kanunen mucrim olan bazi muteneffizan) and who used the mask of religion to conceal the interests of landlords, feudal tribal leaders and other 'reactionaries' on March 7, 1925.[66]
Turkish-Greek alliance
Kemal never believed that there are permanent friendship and permanent enmities. The postwar leader of Greece Eleftherios Venizelos was also determined to establish normal relations between the two states. The war left very badly burned and destroyed Western Anatolia, and the issues of the Muslim properties of the exchanged populations brought obstacles to the rapprochement. Venizelos moved with the agreement despite the accusations of making many concessions on the issues of the naval armaments, and of the properties of the Ottoman Greeks from Turkey according to the Treaty of Lausanne.[67] Kemal also had no time for historic enmities or atrocity-mongering between the societies. The animosity against the Greeks faced by Kemal who showed reaction to even to the smallest detail regarding this issue. Kemal at one instance ordered immediate removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet to a Greek soldier by stating "What a revolting scene!".[68] The financial burden of Ottoman Muslim refugees from Greece was stressing the economy.
The reconciliation with Turkey was cited on the Greek side as Venizelos' greatest achievement in foreign policy after he come to power following the 1928 elections on August 19, 1928. Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory. The two sides concluded an agreement on April 30, 1930; on October 25, Venizelos visited Turkey, and signed a treaty of friendship.[69] The reapprochment continued after Venizelos fall from power. His successor Panagis Tsaldaris came to visit Ataturk on September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Entente Cordiale. Entente Cordiale become a stepping stone for the Balkan Pact.
Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas regarding Ataturk and Turkish-Greek alliance claimed that "Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader and heroic soldier, enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation he developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation."
Treaty of Saadabad
One of the main goals of the Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was to establish security and peace on the eastern border of the new republic. The states at the eastern border had high stakes in preserving their common frontiers, and consulting together in all matters of common interest rather than keeping the channels closed. Treaty of Saadabad became the highest point in this goal.
Mustafa Kemal, who was implementing Atatürk's reform