Mexican Revolution

The Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Revolución Mexicana) was a major armed struggle that started with an uprising led by Francisco I. Madero against longtime dictator Porfirio Díaz. The Mexican Revolution was characterized by several socialist, liberal, anarchist, populist, and agrarianist movements. It progressed into a protracted and complicated civil war and culminated in the Mexican Constitution of 1917. It is generally considered to have lasted until 1920, although the country would continue to encounter sporadic but comparatively minor outbreaks in the 1920s, such as the Cristero War. The Revolution triggered the creation of the National Revolutionary Party in 1929 (renamed the Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1946), which would continue to lead the country until 2000. The Mexican Revolution was the first of the large revolutions of the 20th century.

End of Porfirio Díaz's rule

After Benito Juárez’s death in 1872, Porfirio Díaz wanted to take over as Mexico’s leader. The two men were allies and had fought against the French in the Battle of Puebla, but once Juárez rose to power, Díaz tried to unseat him. Díaz began his reign as president in 1876, and ruled until 1911 when Francisco I. Madero succeeded him. Díaz’s time in office is remembered for the advances he brought in industry and modernization, at the expense of human rights and liberal reforms.

The era of Porfirio Díaz’s government from 1876–1911 is known as the Porfiriato. Díaz had a strict “No Re-election” policy in which presidents could not serve consecutive terms in office. He followed this rule when he stepped down after his first term to Manuel González, one of his underlings. The new president’s period in office was marked by corruption and official incompetence, so that when Díaz stepped up in the next election he was a welcome replacement. In future elections, Díaz would conveniently put aside his "No Re-election" slogan and run for president in every election. Díaz became the dictator he had warned the people of and against. Through the army, the Rurales, and gangs of thugs he frightened people into voting for him. If bullying citizens into voting for him failed, he simply rigged the votes in his favor^{citation needed}. Díaz knew he was violating the constitution, as well as his own liberal beliefs by using force to stay in office. He justified his acts by claiming that Mexico was not yet ready to govern itself;^{citation needed} only he knew what was best for his country and he enforced his belief with a strong hand. "Order followed by Progress" were the watchwords of his rule.^{citation needed}

While Díaz’s presidency was characterized by promotion of industry and the pacification of the country, it came at the expense of the working and farmer or peasant classes, who generally suffered extreme exploitation. The economy took a great leap during the Porfiriato, especially through the encouragement of construction such as factories, roads, dams, industries, and better farms. This resulted in the rise of an urban proletariat and the influx of foreign capital (principally from the United States). Progress came at a price though, since civil liberties such as freedom of the press were suspended under the Porfiriato. The growing influence of United States' involvement was a constant problem for Díaz, since a major portion of Mexico's land had been lost to the United States (namely in the Mexican-American War). Wealth, political power, and access to education were concentrated in just a handful of families, overwhelmingly of European descent, with large estates as well as some companies of foreign origin (mostly from the United Kingdom, France, and the United States). An important consequence of actions taken while Díaz was in power was the change (and eventual setbacks) he made to land reforms. Díaz’s new land laws virtually undid all the hard work that leaders like Juárez before him had done: no peasant or farmer could claim his own land unless he held a formal legal title. Small farmers were helpless and angry; change of power would be necessary if Mexico was to continue being successful. From this cause, many leaders including Francisco I. Madero, Pancho Villa, and Emiliano Zapata would launch a rebellion against Díaz, escalating into the eventual Mexican Revolution.

Most historians mark the end of the Porfiriato as the beginning of the Mexican Revolution. In a 1908 interview with the U.S. journalist James Creelman, Díaz stated that Mexico was ready for democracy and elections and that he would step down and allow other candidates to compete for the presidency.^{citation needed} Growing "old and careless," Díaz figured he would retire to Europe allowing a younger man to take over his presidency. Because the dissidence this caused, Díaz decided he would run again in 1910 for the last time, perhaps arranging a succession in the middle of his term. Madero decided to run against Díaz in 1910, though Díaz expected this to be similar to the seven previous elections (rigging the elections and jailing opponents).^[1] Although very similar overall to Díaz in his ideology,^{citation needed} unlike Díaz, Madero hoped for other elites to rule alongside the President. Díaz, however, did not approve of Madero and had him jailed on election day in 1910 with Díaz pronounced as the winner of the election by a landslide, providing the initial impetus for the outbreak of the Revolution.

Francisco I. Madero's presidency

Leaders of the 1910 revolt pose for a photo after the First Battle of Juárez. Seen are José María Pino Suárez, Venustiano Carranza, Francisco I. Madero (and his father), Pascual Orozco, Pancho Villa, Gustavo Madero, Raul Madero, Abraham Gonzalez, and Giuseppe Garibaldi Jr.

Francisco I. Madero, a young man from a wealthy family in the northern state of Coahuila, stated in 1910 that he would be running in the next election against Díaz for the presidency. In order to ensure that Madero did not win, Díaz had Madero thrown in jail and then declared himself the winner. Madero soon escaped and fled for a short period of time to Texas, United States. On October 5, 1910, Madero issued a "letter from jail" called the Plan de San Luis Potosí, with its main slogan "free suffrage and no re-election." It declared the Díaz regime illegal and called for revolt against Díaz to overthrow the Porfiriato, starting on November 20. Though Madero's letter was not a plan for major socioeconomic revolution, it offered the hope of change for many disadvantaged Mexicans.^[2]

Madero's vague promises of agrarian reforms attracted many of the peasants throughout Mexico, and he was able to gain much needed support from them in order to remove Díaz from power. Madero's army with the assistance of the Indians fought Díaz's army and had a bit of success. Díaz's army was gradually losing control of Mexico and his administration started to fall apart. The desire to remove Díaz was so great that many natives and different leaders during this time were in support of Madero and fought on his side.

To many people's surprise, revolutionary movements broke out in late 1910 in answer to Madero's letter. Pascual Orozco along with governor Abraham González formed a powerful military union in the north, having taken Mexicali and Chihuahua City, though they were not especially committed to Madero. These victories enticed other military and political alliances, including Pancho Villa. Against Madero's wishes, Orozco and Villa fought for (and won) Ciudad Juárez, bordering El Paso, Texas, along the Rio Grande. On May 21, 1911, an agreement, the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez, was made, stating that Díaz would abdicate his rule and be replaced by Madero, after Madero had defeated the weak federal army months earlier. Insisting on a new election (and thus appearing weak for not automatically assuming the presidency or being able to pass immediate reforms), Madero won overwhelmingly in late 1911. He was able to establish a liberal democracy and received support from the United States and popular leaders such as Orozco, Villa, and Zapata.

Madero was a weak leader and quickly lost much of his support while he was in power, because he angered both the more radical revolutionists and the conservative counter-revolutionists including the unpopular Congress elected during Díaz's rule. His refusal to enact land reforms caused a break with Zapata who announced the Plan de Ayala, which called for the return of lands "usurped by the hacendados" (hacienda owners) and demanded an armed conflict against the government. Soon after, Orozco broke away from Madero's government and rebelled against him creating his own army of Orozquistas, which were also called the Colorados ("Red Flaggers") after Madero refused to agree to social reforms calling for better working hours, pay, and conditions. The rural working class, who had supported Madero, now took up arms supporting Zapata and Orozco. The people's support for Madero quickly deteriorated.

His time as leader was short lived and came to an end after General Victoriano Huerta, who was previously appointed as Madero's commander in chief when Madero first claimed power and was sent to quell the ongoing revolutionary movements, set in motion a coup d'état. Following Huerta’s coup d'état, Madero was forced to resign in 1913. Madero and vice president José María Pino Suárez were both assassinated less than a week later. His death ruptured the country, but his reputation soared, becoming a martyr of the revolution.

Victoriano Huerta's reign

In early 1913, Victoriano Huerta, who commanded the armed forces, conspired with U.S. Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson, Félix Díaz and Bernardo Reyes, to remove Madero from power. La decena trágica was an event, in which ten days of sporadic fighting in a faked battle occurred between federal troops led by Huerta and Díaz’s conservative rebel forces. This fighting would stop when Huerta, Félix Díaz, and Henry Lane Wilson met and signed the "Embassy Pact" in which they agreed to conspire against Madero to install Huerta as president.

When Huerta gained power and became president, most powers around the world acknowledged him as the rightful leader. However, incoming-president of the United States Woodrow Wilson refused to recognize Huerta's government. Henry Lane Wilson was withdrawn as U.S. Ambassador by Woodrow Wilson and his secretary of state William Jennings Bryan, to be replaced by John Lind, a Swedish-American socialist. Bryan, President Wilson, and many Mexicans saw Huerta as an illegal usurper of presidential power in violation of the Constitution of Mexico.

Venustiano Carranza, a politician and rancher from Coahuila, was forefront in the opposition against Huerta, calling his forces the Constitutionalists, with the secret support of the United States. On March 26, 1913, Carranza issued the Plan de Guadalupe, which was a refusal to recognize Huerta as president and called for a declaration of war between the two factions. Leaders such as Villa, Zapata, Carranza, and Álvaro Obregón led the fighting against Huerta. In April of 1914, U.S. opposition to Huerta had reached its peak when American forces seized and occupied the port of Veracruz, cutting off arms and money supplies from the German Empire. In late July, this situation worsened for Huerta and he was forced to evacuate the presidency and fled to Puerto México.

Legacy

After Huerta vacated the presidency, he moved to Spain in an attempt to establish a new home. He would later return to try to establish another counter-revolution within the post-revolutionary Mexican state.

The German Empire, which favored Huerta while in power, considered him very important to the war that was breaking out in Europe at this time, World War I. If Huerta could establish himself once again as leader of Mexico, which the German government hoped for, the United States would be distracted on both fronts and would give the Germans an advantage and a better chance to win the war. Huerta then moved to the United States and his operation of holding down another revolution inside Mexico began, being funded by the German government.

The U.S government and Carranza, the newly elected Mexican president, became worried upon his arrival and set up a surveillance system to watch Huerta's every move and make sure that he would not gain entry into Mexico to bring about another counter-revolution. The United States government along with Venustiano Carranza's forces refused at all costs to let this happen.

Huerta would not survive long enough to re-enter into Mexico and bring about the counter-revolution. He was stopped in El Paso, Texas, by the United States government, and was kept there under house arrest until he died in early 1916.

Pancho Villa

José Doroteo Arango Arámbula, better known as Francisco "Pancho" Villa, came from the northern state of Durango and was one of the leaders of the Mexican Revolution. Villa along with the support of the Villistas joined the ranks of the Madero movement. His army of Villistas participated in many battles such as the attack of Ciudad Juárez in 1911 (which overthrew Porfirio Díaz and gave Madero power), the Battle of Celaya, and many others. In 1911, Pancho Villa served under Victoriano Huerta who appointed him chief military commander. During this period Huerta and Villa became rivals. In 1912 when Villa's men seized a horse and Villa decided to keep it for himself, Huerta ordered Villa’s execution for insubordination. The execution of Villa as ordered by Huerta did not occur due to the intervention by Raúl Madero, who was brother of President Madero. Villa was jailed in Mexico City and then escaped to the United States and soon after the assassination of President Madero, he returned with a group of companions to fight Huerta. By 1913 that group had become the base of Villa's División del Norte (Northern Division), which was an army led by Villa which also had a substantial number of American members. Villa and his army, along with Carranza and Obregón, joined in resistance to the Huerta dictatorship.

Villa and Carranza had very different ways of thinking, with Villa wanting to continue the revolution, which led to Carranza and Villa becoming enemies. After Carranza took control in 1914, Villa and other revolutionaries who believed that Carranza was power-hungry met at the Convention of Aguascalientes. The convention deposed Carranza in favor of Eulalio Gutiérrez, and in the winter of 1914, Villa and Zapata's troops entered and occupied Mexico City. Villa's behavior to Gutiérrez and the citizenry outraged more moderate elements of the population, and Villa was forced from the city in early 1915, only to be replaced yet again by Obregón and Carranza.

In 1915, Villa took part in two of the most important battles during the revolution, which were the two engagements in the Battle of Celaya, one of which took part from April 6–7 and the other from the April 13–15. Villa was defeated by Obregón in the Battle of Celaya, which was one of the bloodiest battles during the revolution, allowing Carranza to emerge as the winner of the war and seize power. A short time after, the United States recognized Carranza as president of Mexico. On March 9, 1916, Villa crossed the United States–Mexico border and raided Columbus, New Mexico in a desperate attempt to have the United States intervene hoping it would weaken the Carranza administration. During this attack, 18 Americans were killed as well as 90 of Villa's men; the attack made the United States look at Villa as more of a bandit than a revolutionary. United States President Wilson, pressured to confront Mexican lawlessness, sent General John J. Pershing and 10,000 U.S. troops on an unsuccessful pursuit to capture Villa, known as the Punitive Expedition. After nearly a year and fighting with local rebels, Pershing was called off and took command of the American Expeditionary Force in World War I. In 1920, Obregón signed a peace treaty with Villa, and Villa retired from the revolution. Villa was later killed in 1923 when his car was showered with bullets.

Venustiano Carranza

Venustiano Carranza became president in 1914, after the overthrow of the Huerta government. He was driven out of Mexico City by Villa and Zapata in 1915, but later gained the support of the masses by the development of a program of social and agrarian reform. He was then elected as president of Mexico in 1917. In an attempt to restrain the slaughter, Carranza formed the Constitutional Army with an eye towards bringing peace via adoption of the majority of the rebel social demands into the new constitution. He reluctantly incorporated most of these demands into the new Constitution of 1917. The socialist constitution addressed foreign ownership of resources, an organized labor code, the role of the Roman Catholic Church in education, and land reform. Although his intentions were good, the Carranza government did not last or enforce many of the reforms in the Constitution of 1917, and caused greater decentralization of power. In 1920, General Obregón who had served as Minister of War and of the Navy, revolted against Carranza along with other leading generals Plutarco Elías Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta. Carranza was assassinated on May 21, 1920; Carranza had already had Zapata killed in 1919.

Emiliano Zapata

Emiliano Zapata Salazar was a leading figure in the Mexican Revolution. He is considered one of the outstanding national heroes of Mexico: towns, streets, and housing developments called "Emiliano Zapata" are common across the country and he has, at times, been depicted on Mexican banknotes. There are controversies on the portrayal of Emiliano Zapata and his followers, on whether they were bandits or revolutionaries. Many presidents, including Porfirio Díaz and Venustiano Carranza, identified Zapata as a womanizer, barbarian, terrorist, and a bandit. Conservative media nicknamed Zapata "The Attila of the South." To many Mexicans, specifically the peasant and indigenous citizens, Zapata was a practical revolutionary whose populist battle cry "Tierra y Libertad" (Land and Liberty) was elaborated in the Plan de Ayala. He fought for political and economic emancipation of the peasants in Southern Mexico. Zapata was killed in 1919 by General Pablo González and his lieutenant, Colonel Jesús Guajardo in an elaborate ambush. Guajardo pretended to want to defect to Zapata's side but at the meeting where the two were supposed to discuss combining forces, Zapata was ambushed by Gonzalez's men and riddled with bullets.

Zapatistas

Zapatista originally referred to a member of the revolutionary guerrilla movement founded around 1910 by Zapata, whose Liberation Army of the South (Ejército Libertador del Sur) fought during the Mexican Revolution for the redistribution of agricultural land. Zapata and his army and allies, including Pancho Villa at one point, fought for agrarian reform in Mexico and specifically the establishment of communal land rights for Mexico's indigenous population.

The majority of Zapata’s supporters were the indigenous peasants, usually local, from Morelos and surrounding areas. However, there were intellectuals from urban areas who also joined the Zapatistas, and played a significant part in their movement, specifically the structure and communication of the Zapatista ambitions. Zapata received only a few years of limited education in Morelos, and thus the educated members from foreign towns played a large role in expressing Zapata’s political aims. These urban intellectuals were known as "city boys," and were predominantly young males. They were influenced in joining the Zapatistas due to many reasons, including curiosity, sympathy, and ambition. Zapata agreed that politics should be left up to the intellectuals, but also kept his role in proclaiming the Zapatista ideology. The city boys also provided medical care, helped promote and instruct the Zapatista ideology, created an agrarian reform, aided in rebuilding villages destroyed by government forces, formed manifestos, and sent messages from Zapata to other revolutionary leaders. Zapata's compadre Otilio Montaño was one of the most prominent city boys. Before the revolution, Montaño was a professor, and during the revolution he taught Zapatismo, recruited citizens, and wrote the Plan de Ayala. Other well known city boys were Abraham Martínez, Manuel Palafox, Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, Pablo Torres Burgos, Gildardo Magaña, Dolores Jiménez y Muro, Enrique Villa, and Genaro Amezcua.

Zapatista women

Many women were involved and supported the Zapatistas. Since Zapata's political ambitions and campaign were usually local, the women were able to aid the Zapatista soldiers from their homes. There were also female Zapatista soldiers since the beginning of the revolution. When Zapata met with President Madero on July 12, 1911, he was accompanied by his troops. Amongst these troops were female soldiers, and some of them were officers. Some women were the leaders of bandit gangs during and before the revolution. Women joined the Zapatistas as soldiers for various reasons, including retaliation for dead family members or merely to perform raids. Perhaps the most popular Zapatista female soldier was Margarita Neri, who participated as a Zapatista commander. Although many female soldiers fought bravely as Zapatista soldiers, were killed in battle, and continued to wear men's clothing and carry pistols long after the Revolution ended . Colonel María de la Luz Espinosa Barrera was one of the very few who received a pension as a veteran of the Mexican Revolution.

Agrarian land reform

Under the Porfiriato, the rural peasants suffered the most. The regime confiscated large sections of land which resulted in a major loss of land by the agrarian work force. In 1883 a land law was passed which gave ownership of more than 27.5 million hectares of land to foreign companies. By 1894, one out of every five acres of Mexican land was owned by a foreign interest. Many wealthy families also possessed land resulting in many rural peasants working on the property as slaves to their owners. In 1910, the beginning of the revolution, about one half of the rural population called a plantation (settlement or colony) home.

Women in the revolution

Women during the Mexican Revolution (known as soldaderas, adelitas, or coronelas) were held under the shadow of men and occupied the roles of wife and ultimate care givers. In the cash-strapped armies of Revolution, male soldiers brought their women with them as a matter of course, little or no paid support bureaucracy existed for duties of mess and quartermaster (and sometimes medics), so women filled these roles. The Constitutionalists Army was somewhat more orthodox in its treatment of women than the Zapatista troops were; however, well-off women such as Col. Juana Flores (widow of a gold-mine owner) literally purchased officers' commissions from Carranza.

The 1884 Civil Code restricted the limitations of women at home and in the workplace. The Code created inequalities amongst women and ethnic minorities suffering politically, socially, economically and religiously under the Porfirian regime. For decades there have been myths circulating that portray Mexican women as timid and passive beings whose contribution and involvement in the Mexican Revolution was minimal. The truth however is that Mexican women were active participants in the Mexican Revolution, one of the most recognized social uprisings of the twentieth century. Women's involvement in the revolution had an immense impact on the shaping of Mexican society during the revolutionary period. Mexican women were essential to the revolution in a number of ways. They were involved in politics, were strong advocates for the causes they believed in, and participated in life on the battlefields. The female political figures were probably the most important and influential women in the Mexican Revolution. They were prominent political activists, thinkers, writers, figures, role models, and were fearless in their pursuit of their goals, often resulting in confinement. The Mexican Revolution had many movements focusing on dealing with the urban and middle class societies, who had finally gained the upper hand resulting in a new Revolutionary Constitution in 1917.

United States' involvement

The U.S. relationship with Mexico has often been turbulent. During the Mexican independence movement, the U.S. assisted the Mexican insurgents in achieving independence, using the Monroe Doctrine as the justification. With the reign of dictators such as Iturbide and Santa Anna, the U.S.-Mexico relationship deteriorated, but when the liberal president Benito Juárez came to power with his agenda for a democratic Mexican society, President Lincoln personally commended him on his ideals, and sent supplies to help Juárez overthrow emperor Maximilian I of Mexico during the time of the U.S. Civil War. This, however, ended with Lincoln's assassination, and after the death of Juarez, Mexico reverted back to a totalitarian government with the rule of Porfirio Diaz.

At the turn of the 20th Century, about twenty-seven percent of Mexican land was in the hands of United States owners. By the year 1910, there was also an American industrial investment of around 45 percent, which may have explained why Presidents Taft and Wilson felt pressured to intervene in Mexican affairs. The U.S. government, for both economic and political reasons, generally supported the man in power(with the exception of the liberal Wilson's condemnation of Huerta for his murder of Madero and Pino Suarez). U.S. troops were sent into Mexico twice during the revolution; the first time was in 1914, during the Ypiranga incident, in which the Ypiranga, a German merchant vessel carrying illegal arms to Huerta, was discovered by U.S. agents. President Wilson ordered troops to the port of Veracruz to stop the ship from docking, but without declaring war on Mexico. The U.S. troops then carried out a skirmish against Huerta's forces in Veracruz. The Ypiranga docked at another port, infuriating Wilson. Other Latin American countries arbitrated and U.S. troops left Mexican soil, but the incident added to an already-tense U.S.-Mexico relationship.

Then, again, in 1916, as an act of retaliation for Pancho Villa's raid on Columbus, New Mexico, and the death of 16 American citizens, President Wilson sent Brig. Gen. John J. Pershing into Mexico to capture Villa. Villa was deeply entrenched in the mountains of northern Mexico, and knew the terrain too well to be captured by the U.S. forces. General Pershing was later forced to abandon the mission and return to the U.S. This event, however, further deteriorated the already fragile U.S.-Mexico relationship and caused Mexico's anti-American sentiment to grow stronger. According to some historians, the United States had invested too much in the Mexican issue, perhaps violating her own avowed neutrality.

The Catholic Church during the revolution

However, Porfirio Díaz was not completely ambivalent towards the Catholic Church. During his presidency, he upheld the policies of the anti-clerical Juárez regime, which included the expropriation of large tracts of Church-owned property.

Youth movement

As the Revolution progressed the status of the University changed several times, each time the movement of its students changed as well. Under different university directors, different revolutionary ideals were forced upon the student body. In many cases the curriculum and daily table would change as well. With each change however the existence and importance of youth groups became more crucial to the fight of the youth. The university’s students made up the bulk of the youth movement, which was mainly composed of the educated youth. However during the revolution the youth were viewed as anti-revolutionary due to the image of the university as a safe haven for the rich and privileged. There was continual outside pressure for the university and its youth to become revolutionary, and accept the ideals and beliefs of the revolution.

The National University of Mexico was founded by Gabino Barreda, who served as the Secretary of Public Instruction under Porfirio Díaz. Despite the school's dogma to include higher education for Mexicans it was continually attacked during the revolution, starting in 1912 when porfiristas and liberals joined in an attempt to suppress the influence of the hot. During the opening stages of the revolution students began to unite to form student organizations, the first were the medical students in 1910, the year the revolution began. In the following 50 years, the University was suppressed by the government little by little; this led to the focus of student protest being against the government by the 1920s. The youth movements of the revolution were mainly confined to schools and mainly the National University of Mexico; however youth culture also found methods of expression aside from student protest. Many young men used the mediums of art, music, and poetry to express their opinions on the revolution. These mediums however often lacked the strength to fight against the governments desire to suppress them.

End of the revolution

The exact end of the "revolutionary period" is open to debate. From a strictly military standpoint it ended with the death of the Constitutional Army's primer jefe (First Chief) Venustiano Carranza in 1920, and the ascension to power of General Álvaro Obregón, but coup attempts and sporadic uprisings continued, as seen for instance in the Cristero Wars of 1926-1929. Effective implementation of the social provisions of the 1917 Constitution of Mexico, and a near total end to revolutionary activity, awaited the administration of Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940). Cárdenas also abolished capital punishment (better known in Mexico as fusilamiento, death by firing squad), effective control of the republic by Cárdenas and the PRM without need for summary executions was an indication that the revolutionary period was at its end. In 1940, Cardenas voluntarily relinquished all power to his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, an unprecedented event in Mexican history. In 1942, Ávila Camacho and all living ex-Presidents appeared on stage in the Mexico City Zócalo, in front of the Palacio Nacional, to encourage the Mexican people to support the Americans and British in World War II. This demonstration of political solidarity between diverse elements effectively signaled the true end of the Revolution, although Mexican politicians and political parties continue to employ the name of the Revolution in their political rhetoric.

Bibliography

General

Online

Brunk, Samuel. The Banditry of Zapatismo in the Mexican Revolution. The American Historical Review. Washington: April 1996, Volume 101, Issue 2, Page 331. Online Source: [1]
Brunk, Samuel. "Zapata and the City Boys: In Search of a Piece of Revolution." Hispanic American Historical Review. Duke University Press, 1993. Online Source: [2]
“From Soldaderas to Comandantes.” Zapatista Direct Solidarity Committee. University of Texas. Online Source: [3]
Gilbert, Dennis. "Emiliano Zapata: Textbook Hero." Mexican Studies. Berkley: Winter 2003, Volume 19, Issue 1, Page 127. Online Source: [4]
Hardman, John. "Postcards of the Mexican Revolution" [5]
Merewether Charles, Collections Curator, Getty Research Institute, "Mexico: From Empire to Revolution", Jan. 2002. Original Online Source:[6]
Rausch George Jr. "The Exile and Death of Victoriano Huerta", The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 42, No. 2, May 1963 pp. 133-151. Original Online Source: [7]
Tannenbaum, Frank. “Land Reform in Mexico”. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 150, Economics of World Peace (July 1930), 238-247. Online Source : [8]
Tuck, Jim. "Zapata and the Intellectuals." Mexico Connect, 1996- 2006. Online Source: [9]
Welker, Grenn. "Emiliano Zapata: The Father of the Zapatista Movement." Online Source: [10]

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