Differences from traditional reformsClean Elections is a form of Campaign Finance Reform. Clean Elections differs from more traditional reform proposals, however, in a number of important ways: Traditional Campaign Finance laws are restrictive, placing campaign donation caps on the donors. Clean Elections laws include these types of restrictions but supplement them by providing qualified candidates with a fixed amount of government funding with which to run their campaigns. To receive tax money, "Clean Candidates" must forgo all fundraising and accept no private or personal funds. Candidates who choose not to participate typically operate under significant restrictions on fundraising. Campaign Finance regulations traditionally attempt to limit the amount an individual contributor can donate to a politician. Clean Elections allows for traditional, privately funded candidates, subject to sometimes severe restrictions on fundraising, but in addition provides tax funding for candidates who decline private funding. Tax-funded candidates who are outspent normally receive additional funds to match their privately funded opponent, up to a cap, with the intent of assuring that a candidate who refuses public money cannot gain a substantial financial advantage. Some critics have argued that this amounts to rigging the system so that participation is not truly voluntary, but so far such claims in court have been unsuccessful. Candidates participating in a Clean Elections system are required to meet a certain qualification criterion, such as collecting a predetermined amount of signatures along with a small contribution (generally around $5) before the candidate can receive public support. Generally these qualifying contributions must be given by constituents. Traditional Campaign Finance laws focus only on limits. EffectivenessA 2003 study by the nonpartisan General Accounting Office (GAO) requested by Congress could not find any significant changes in the two clean elections then conducted in Maine and Arizona. The average number of candidates per district, percentage of contested races, incumbency rates, incumbency victory margins, perceptions of interest group influence among candidates and citizens, and voter participation did not change notably. Campaign spending decreased in Maine but increased in Arizona and independent expenditures increased in both states. However, 60% of Maine and 37% of Arizona was unaware of the public financing program. The study concluded that "with ... only one election from which to observe most statewide races, it is too early to draw causal linkages".[2] A 2006 study of the 2004 and 2002 campaigns by political scientists Mayer, Werner, and Williams of the University of Wisconsin--Madison argued that the GAO "understate[d] the reforms' impact, in part by making some unusual methodological choices and jettisoning valuable data." (For example, the GAO examined only primaries when measuring contestedness and did not include primary losses when measuring incumbency. Including primary losses reduces the reelection rate from 90% to 70%.) They found that the candidate pool and competitiveness increased significantly, while the incumbency rate dropped significantly.[3] A 2007 update found that in the 2006 campaign found that competitiveness continued to increase slightly but reelection rates "returned to pre-reform levels". Contestedness also continued to increase, reaching 100% in Maine. They also found that women were much more likely than men to accept public funding but this had no effect on the gender composition of the legislature.[4] A study by the liberal Clean Elections Institute found that the number and geographic, economic, and ethnic diversity of campaign contributors increased significantly, with contributors almost quadrupling, contributions from people with incomes below $40,000 increasing by 40% and contributions from Latinos increasing significantly.[5] However, a 2008 study by the Center for Competitive Politics concluded that the process of gathering small contributions needed to qualify for public funding still relied heavily on interest groups.[6] Another 2008 study by the Center for Competitive Politics found that clean elections programs in Maine and Arizona have not, "had any impact in the number of legislators from “non-traditional” backgrounds.[7]
SupportersSB 1285, the Fair Elections Now Act, calling for Clean Elections in senate campaigns is sponsored by Senators:[9]
Others who have endorsed clean elections include:
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