Amerind is a putative higher-level language family proposed by Joseph Greenberg in his 1987 book Language in the Americas. In this book Greenberg proposed that all of the indigenous languages of the Americas belong to one of three families. According to Greenberg's hypothesis, a minority of the languages, concentrated in northern North America, belong to the previously proposed Na-Dené and Eskimo-Aleut language families. All of the remaining languages, usually considered to belong to dozens of separate unrelated language families, belong to Amerind.
The term is also occasionally used to refer (broadly) to the various indigenous languages of the Americas, without necessarily implying that they are a genetic group. To avoid ambiguity, the term Amerindian is often used instead.
Amerind has found supporters among Greenberg's disciples. Merritt Ruhlen, for instance, has tried to adduce more evidence for the controversial hypothesis.1 He thus also objects to the notion that there are over 200 families among which there is no evidence of genetic affinity.2 He stresses the importance of the three-way i / u / a (i.e. masculine / feminine / neutral) ablaut in such forms as t'ina / t'una / t'ana ("son / daughter / child"), as well as of the typical general American pronominal pattern na / ma (i.e. "I / you"), first noted by Alfredo Trombetti in 1905, but attributed by some linguists to other than genetic causes.3 Ruhlen refers to the earliest beginnings of the dispute,4 quoting from Edward Sapir's personal letter to A. L. Kroeber (1918):5
“
Getting down to brass tacks, how in the Hell are you going to explain general American n- 'I' except genetically? It's disturbing, I know, but (more) non-committal conservatism is only dodging, after all, isn't it? Great simplifications are in store for us.
”
It should be stressed, however, that Greenberg and Ruhlen's views on the languages of the Americas have failed to find acceptance among the vast majority of linguists working with these languages.
Criticism
The Amerind hypothesis has not received general acceptance by historical linguists, especially by those specializing in the languages of the Americas, 6due to the fact that the basis for the proposal is mass lexical comparison. 7 This technique is generally regarded as fundamentally flawed because it is unable to distinguish chance resemblances from those due to a historical relationship among the languages and because it provides no means of distinguishing resemblances due to common descent from those due to language contact.
In addition, critics have have pointed out large numbers of errors in the citation of data, including erroneous forms, erroneous glosses, unjustified morphological segmentation, attribution to the wrong language, and citation of entirely spurious forms. 8 Those who have reviewed his data for languages in which they have expertise typically estimate that fifty percent of the data is in error. In some cases, 100% of his data is erroneous.
A further problem is that, contrary to normal scholarly practice, no source references are given for the data, which in most cases come from languages for which there is no standard, authoritative source. In addition, Greenberg does not normalize the spelling of the data, so it is impossible without knowing the source of each form to know what the notation actually represents. 9
It should be noted, however, that some of these methodological issues are addressed by Merritt Ruhlen in the latest version of the Amerind Etymological Dictionary.
Notes
^ See Greenberg & Ruhlen 2007, Ruhlen 1994a, 1994b, 1994c, 1994d, 1995a, 1995b, 1995c, 1995d, and 2004
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