All Pakistan Muhajir Student Organization
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In the history of not only Pakistan, but the entire Middle East, the All Pakistan Muhajir Student Organization (APMSO) is the only student organization known to have created its mother organization, the Muhajir Qaumi Movement, now called the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM).^[1]

In 1978, even before the formation of APMSO, Pakistani students were clearly split along ethnicity. In one of Pakistan’s well known universities, Karachi University, there were at least ten different groups of students. This included the Pakhtoon Student Federation, Baloch Student Organization, Punjabi Student Association, Punjabi Medico Organization, Sindhi Medico Organization, Jiye Sindh Student Organization, Sindhi Student Action Committee, Saraiki Student Organization, Kashmiri Student Federation, Baltistani Student Association, and the Islami Jamiyat-e-Talba (its not an ethnic student organization but an ideological one which calls for complete obedience of Allah in all walks of life). Taking this into consideration one can determine that the only group that did not have proper representation was the Muhajir population. Knowing that the Muhajir people needed their own group to voice their needs, a group of Urdu speaking students of Karachi University, led by Altaf Hussain created the APMSO on June 11, 1978.APMSO is often connected with violence of ethnic nature in educational institutes in Pakistan, esp in southern city of karachi, where it is predominantly strong.

Background

A person who has migrated from one place to another, is known as a Muhajir.^[2] The term, these days, is particularly associated with the people who migrated from India to Pakistan during the 1947 partition. Today the Muhajir community makes up about 12% of the population of Pakistan and 40% of Sindh.

The creation of Pakistan stemmed from the need to provide a homeland for South Asian Muslims. But when the sub-continent split, there were created in reality not two but three nations. India was one, but the other two were East Pakistan and West Pakistan. Since its creation, many Pakistanis have had difficulty accepting all of Pakistan's inhabitants. And so, when in the year 1971, East Pakistan won its freedom and became Bangladesh, this was another sign that the Pakistani government was not doing its best at rightfully serving all ethnicities.

The creation of Bangladesh was a slap in the face of all those who fought hard for the creation of a separate Muslim state, because East Pakistan accounted for over 54% of the population of Pakistan.

This constant favoritism of one group of people over another and constant neglect of the middle and poor classes by the Pakistani government and establishment became the reason of the creation of APMSO.

Muhajir identity

Muhajirs had never liked the idea of identifying themselves on the basis of race or nationality and were always supportive of "Pakistani nationalism" instead of "regional nationalism." But circumstances forced them to seek their identity on ethnic lines.^[3] The Muhajir sense of isolation came into being through a series of events. The three most important being the 1964 presidential elections, the 1972 language riots, and the post-1985 ethnic clashes between Muhajirs and non-Muhajirs in Karachi. "During the December 1964 presidential elections, the Muhajir population of Karachi experienced a wrath of a Pathan backlash when Gohar Ayub Khan, son of President Ayub Khan, launched a series of attacks on Muhajir communities because of their support for Fatimah Jinnah, the sister of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, against Ayub Khan.".^[4] At this time Ayub Khan moved the federal capital from Karachi to Rawalpindi, causing further anger amongst the Muhajir community.

The 1972 language riots were caused by the passage of a language bill by the Sindhi Assembly declaring Sindhi to be the provincial language along with Urdu.

The Muhajir community received another blow when "Bhutto, a closet Sindhi nationalist, bowing to his native constituency, the Sindhis, instituted urban-rural quotas that resulted in a precipitous decline in the number of jobs to which the predominantly urban Mohajirs were eligible."^[5] His regime's policies denationalized banks, insurance companies, and other big businesses. Initially, two banks were transferred from government to private management. Soon the government had earmarked 125 industrial units for privatization.^[6]

In June 1978 the All Pakistan Muhajir Student Organization formed and took on the task of uniting the Muhajirs and demanding their rights. From the APMSO, in March 1984, was created the Muhajir Qaumi Movement. Now called the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), its ideology is based on Realism and Practicalism. "Acceptance of reality with an open heart is Realism, a concept based upon the philosophy of its Founder and Leader Mr. Altaf Hussain. Based on Realism positive achievement made through ideologically supported pragmatic programs is called Practicalism." ^[7] Because of its ideology, MQM was not welcomed by any part of the government, any political party, or any bureaucratic elite.

Deliberate marginalization of Muhajirs

The MQM claims that Ayub Khan's government was guilty of systematic discrimination against Muhajirs in urban Sindh, and perceives Ayub's decision to move the capital from Karachi to Islamabad as a deliberate attempt to marginalize the Muhajirs.^[8]

In June 1992 the Pakistani army launched Operation Cleanup. This operation, according to the prime minister and several federal ministers, was targeted at dacoits, kidnappers, and other criminals. But is was obvious soon after the launch of the operation, that MQM was a major target. The specific picking out of MQM members and supporters was quite evident and there arose widespread allegations of extreme partisanship. "Investigations carried out by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan have revealed that the October 11, 1985 killing of MQM (Altaf) activists was not the result of an ambush or a shoot-out but was part of an ongoing police practice of eliminating suspected criminals or terrorists."^[9]

In September 1988 more than 250 people, mainly Mohajirs, were killed when about a dozen gunmen, allegedly led by Jayee Sindh leaders Qadir Magsi and Jamu Arain, opened fire on unarmed people in Hyderabad. And in May 1990 a demonstration led by Mohajir women and children was brutally crushed by the predominantly Sindhi police in Hyderabad and led to the deaths of over 60 demonstrators."^[10] There was allegedly a backlash in Karachi by MQM members killing 40 Sindhis.

Testifying before two subcommittees of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs in Washington on March 17, Assistant Secretary of State John Shattuck criticized the government of Pakistan for harassing its political opponents and suppressing the Muttahida Qaumi Movement. He also accused government security forces of "serious human rights abuses, including extra judicial detention, and torture of prisoners and detainees.^[11]

Karachi University & youth politics

Karachi University has been the hub of student political activity for many decades. "Student politics were born with the formation of Islami Jamiat-e-Talba (IJT) and the Democratic Students' Federation (DSF) in 1948."^[12] Since then, numerous student political groups have emerged throughout the country representing different races, ethnicities, cultures, and ideologies.

"In the first few decades of Pakistan's existence, student politics was a symbol of the students' socio-political awareness."^[13] But change was quick and drastic, especially in the 1980s and 1990s. "Karachi University, like its host city, has always been a melting pot for students from all over the country. Its grounds have seen the spirited expression of various socio-political schools of thought, the gradual desensitisation of students after the military takeover of 1979 as well as the violent military crackdown on the APMSO-PSF conflict in 1993 that was followed by the indefinite deployment of Rangers on campus."^[14] In April 1984 General Zia Ul-Haq imposed a ban on all student organizations throughout the country, which prohibited the "formation and continuance" of student unions and stipulated a punishment of violators of the regulation by rigorous imprisonment up to five years, by a fine, or by both.^[15]

Although political parties still exist on campus, authorities deny their presence. Because of the constant rise in violence, the number of student political activists has dropped tremendously. Today parents "fearfully raise their children to mind their own business, study to build careers, not ideologies and lead safe, peaceful lives in sheltered cocoons. While student attendance may be full at academic, entertainment, or sports events organized by these parties, for any other events, students hesitate.

Despite constant condemnation by university administration, media and even the general student body, these parties maintain that they still have a role to play in society. Some students attribute this intolerance to the intolerance of university authorities for students' expressions against injustice. Nabeel Husain, Incharge of APMSO's KU wing, adds to the case for political restoration of students, "We propose the restoration of a student union that has equal participation from all students. What we want is a students' parliament accommodating all the students in a peaceful, free environment."^[16]

A flashback It's November 5th, 2003. The first graduating batch of the newly formed Visual Arts Department of the Karachi University is holding its first grand exhibition of the students' final theses in the STC Hall. The exhibition is in process when all hell breaks lose. A group of Islami Jamiat Talba members have gathered outside to protest against the exhibition, which they termed to be out of line with the university's code of religious ethics. They fall into heated argument with the administrative staff and around ten activists attack the hall, smashing the items on display. The items mainly include computers, television sets and speakers that the students have used to set up their presentations. The IJT members leave terrified young men and women in their wake; many of them crying as they look at their year's worth of work shattered into pieces. The bitter taste of what happened almost two years ago lingers in memory. Students whose theses were destroyed incurred nearly a quarter of a million rupees in losses. Their losses were never compensated for by the administration. No action was taken; no complaints were carried through. One student whose presentation was destroyed recalls bitterly, "I was beaten to the bone, threatened and harassed, and saw the fruit of my labour get smashed into pieces in front of my eyes. Nothing happened. I was never compensated and the authorities conveniently advised me to withdraw the charges for my own safety. That's when I realized trying to get anyone punished was a lost cause." There is, however, another version to the story. Syed Tausif, Nazim, IJT, KU recalls the incident as follows. "The Visual Arts incident was a classic case of mishandling a situation by the administration. The protests had been planned to be peaceful. We had filed a number of applications against the exhibition with the administration as we thought it had elements that hurt the general student public's religious sensitivities. But when protesting students gathered to hold a peaceful demonstration, Rangers intervened to force them to disperse. This angered some of the activists and the violence occurred as a reaction, not an act of aggression as it has been portrayed in the media". Tausif further adds, "Yes, we do regret what happened that day, and we do feel bad for the students whose hard work was destroyed. But we genuinely believe that the administration was responsible for what happened and hence, it should have compensated them for their loss".

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A young teacher narrated a disturbing incident from the previous semester. The teacher was in the midst of wrapping up her classes before the final exam when a few students approached her, claiming to be from the APMSO. The boys demanded that their friend, a student in her class who had attended barely classes all through the semester be granted the minimum attendance required to sit in the exam. They said that their friend was unable to come to class due to death threats from a rival party. The teacher refused to comply and reported the incident to the chairman of her department, who told her not to grant the false attendance.

The day the final exams began and one day before her own exam, 6 to 7 young men barged into the examination room, disrupting the exam and asking for her. They couldn't place her though, and left. The teacher had to eventually let the student take the exam to prevent any violent repercussions. She didn't, however, grade the student's exam as a result of which his result was withheld. Though she's amazed that despite warnings from all her fellow teachers that she would be threatened and harassed, the party workers chose to eventually leave her alone, but maintains that this doesn't always happen. She says that in the past, the administration has often cowered down and teachers have been harassed on similar pretexts, especially male teachers. She reluctantly concedes that her being a woman might have saved her from worse consequences.

According to the APMSO's KU Organizer Nabeel Husain, the alleged party workers had in fact nothing to do with APMSO, and that there have been numerous cases of students belonging to certain ethnic groups using the APMSO name to get out of attending classes. He insisted that his party strongly condemns students' missing classes for any reason. However, Nabeel does agree that security threats are indeed an issue and that the party has in the past requested the administration to provide security to some workers threatened by rival parties persisting to destroy the peace of the university.^[17]

References